Thomas Williams

Thomas Williams

Thomas Williams was born in Greensburg, Pennsylvania on 28th August, 1806. He graduated from Dickinson College in 1825 and was admitted to the bar three years later. Williams worked as a lawyer in Greensburg (1828-32) before moving to Pittsburgh in 1832. He joined the Whig Party and edited its political magazine, The Advocate.

A member of the Republican Party, Williams was elected to the 38th Congress and took his seat in March, 1863. Williams was one of the seven members chosen by the House of Representatives to prosecute its impeachment charges against President Andrew Johnson.

Williams did not share the views of the dominant Radical Republicans in Congress and decided to retire in 1868. Williams lived in Allegheny City, Pennsylvania, until his death on 16th June, 1872.

Biography of Dr. Yohuru Williams

Dr. Yohuru Williams is Distinguished University Chair and Professor of History and Founding Director of the Racial Justice Initiative at the University of St. Thomas. He received his Ph.D. from Howard University in 1998.

Dr. Williams is the author of:

  • Black Politics/White Power: Civil Rights Black Power and Black Panthers in New Haven (Blackwell, 2006)
  • Rethinking the Black Freedom Movement (Routledge, 2015)
  • Teaching beyond the Textbook: Six Investigative Strategies (Corwin Press, 2008)

He is the editor of A Constant Struggle: African-American History from 1865 to the Present Documents and Essays (Kendall Hunt, 2002), and is co-editor of The Black Panthers: Portraits of an Unfinished Revolution (Nation Books, 2016), In Search of the Black Panther Party, New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement (Duke, 2006), and Liberated Territory: Toward a Local History of the Black Panther Party (Duke, 2008).

He also served as general editor for the Association for the Study of African American Life and History's 2002 and 2003 Black History Month publications, The Color Line Revisited (Tapestry Press, 2002) and The Souls of Black Folks: Centennial Reflections (Africa World Press, 2003). Dr. Williams served as an advisor on the popular civil rights reader Putting the Movement Back into teaching Civil Rights.

Dr. Williams has appeared on a variety of local and national radio and television programs most notably ABC, CNN, MSNBC, Aljazeera America, BET, CSPAN, EBRU Today, Fox Business News, Fresh Outlook, Huff Post Live, and NPR. He was featured in the Ken Burns PBS Documentary "Jackie Robinson" and the Stanley Nelson PBS Documentary "The Black Panthers." He is also one of the hosts of the History Channel’s Web show "Sound Smart." A regular political commentator on the Cliff Kelly Show on WVON, Chicago, Dr. Williams also blogs regularly for the Huffington Post and is a contributor to the Progressive Magazine.

Dr. Williams' scholarly articles have appeared in the American Bar Association’s Insights on Law and Society, The Organization of American Historians Magazine of History, The Black Scholar, The Journal of Black Studies, Pennsylvania History, Delaware History, the Journal of Civil and Human Rights and the Black History Bulletin.

Dr. Williams is also presently finishing a new book entitled In the Shadow of the Whipping Post: Lynching, Capital Punishment, and Jim Crow Justice in Delaware 1865-1965 under contract with Cambridge University Press.

Thomas Williams - History

Early Family History and Origins of the
Thomas Williams's of Gosport & Nottingham
covering mainly the period 1725 to 1850

The Reverend Thomas Williams (1724/5 -1770) and his son Thomas Williams (1753 - 1804) are the forefathers of many descendants world-wide, the majority (over 5000) hailing from New Zealand. However, very little is known of the Rev. Thomas Williams and there is certainly no accurate knowledge of his family origins.

The results of many years of sincere research by family members have been compiled and written into an historical documentation, The Williams Family in The 18th and 19th Centuries in the UK by Nevil Harvey Williams. Nevil himself has spent some decades dedicated to researching the family in a very meticulous manner, and his work is the main article on this website. There are many other supporting documentation and research notes given here, in particular the transcription of recently acquired letters of Thomas .

An exceedingly vast quantity of information is already documented on Henry and William , the two son's of Thomas who went to New Zealand as Missionaries, so very little of that is repeated in these pages.

Introduction, Preamble, Search for the Welsh background of the Williams Family, Rev. Thomas Williams of Gosport, , Thomas and Mary Williams at Gosport.

Thomas Williams and the family at Nottingham, The collapse of the business.

Mary Williams (nee Marsh) at Southwell, The children of Thomas and Mary Williams, Catherine Heathcote, Southwell tailpiece.

Notes on Religious Non-Conformism, IGI extracts, Extracts from Gosport and Nottingham Registries, Governance of and Evengelical Revival of Nottingham, John Marsh, The Vicar and Moses, SOURCES

TW & C Thomas Williams and the Coldham Family

Abstracts of Letters Chosen to Augment the Story of Mary and Catherine 's Lives in Southwell.

Speculations on Origins Extracts of letters chosen to complement the Preface in Part 1 above, concerning the asserted family descent from Ednyfed Vychan

These are VERY IMPORTANT letters - they are first-hand vindication of Thomas 's life, and the family situation in part of the 18th century. If a descendant, he is most likely your 4th, 5th or even 6th great grandfather!

1794 Letters 1, 2 & 3 Letters from Thomas to his wife Mary at their home in Gosport. They cover his arrival at Nottingham to establish a new home there, family, friends, and various connections to the British Navy.

1794 Letters 4, 5 & 6 Continuation of above sequence - includes letter to young son Sydney .

1802 1 letter The first four pages of a letter to Mary, now living at Nottingham.

1803 Sequence Five letters, again written to Mary in Nottingham, while he is on a business trip.

TREES (Use your back-button to return to this page.)

THOMAS SYDNEY WILLIAMS : The eldest son of Thomas . The tree gives several lines of descent. View as either a .pdf file or jpg image.

The children and grandchildren of Thomas Sydney Williams giving spouses, dates and some information to help those interested, and includes the 'tooth' letters of Tom.

THE COLDHAM FAMILY: Showing the grandparents, parents and siblings of Marianne Williams (nee Coldham), wife of Henry . View as a jpg image

THE NELSON FAMILY: There is a very strong Williams family connection with the Nelson's dating at least back to the Sherriff of Nottingham days of Thomas Williams , whose son William Williams married Jane Nelson, niece of a co-sherriff of Thomas's . Both a daughter and grand-daughter of William and his wife Jane (nee. Nelson) also married into the same Nelson family. The backbone of the livestock farming and meat industry development of the East Coast, North Island of New Zealand was to a large extent due to the stock and station firm of Williams and Kettle Ltd, begun by F.W. Williams, and the meat processing company the Tomoana Freezing Works begun by William Nelson, an uncle by marriage to F.W.W. and a 1st cousin (once removed) to Jane The tree is viewed as either a pdf file or as an image and shows the grandparents and parents of Jane and the connections mentioned above.

Wikitree allows only one profile of an individual. Their aim is to build one world-wide tree as much as possible. It is a free site to join (and then most or all advertising disappears and other features are available) and a member is able (with permission) to add, edit, manage, etc. profiles if they have authentic information.

To build a sound-as-possible base for the family on Wikitree, basic information of three or four generations of Thomas Williams (1753 - 1804) descendants were added from the Evagean Publishing Faith and Farming book, and other sources. Other Wikitree members have added more descendant profiles, linked to other families, edited errors and even added DNA results.

A brief introduction to the Reverend Thomas Williams and his wife Rebecca

Some further details on the Rev. Thomas Williams of Gosport and of his children and grandchildren. And a request for more information.

Names of Researchers A list of some of those involved with the Williams family research during the past century.

Names of Ancestors List of earlier ancestors by surname given on this website, with tree or page references.

'Early Memories And After' written by Fred W Williams (1854-1940) for his sons. Pertains to Paihia, Gisborne and Napier, N.Z. areas. F.W.W. is the grandson of William Williams and was founder of Williams & Kettle Stock & Station Agency, Mayor of Napier etc. New Zealand history, in which Henry and William are prominent, expressed from a more complete perspective than what is orthodox.

Williams Historic House: The Retreat was built at Pakaraka, Northland, for Henry Williams in 1851 or 1852. This is now owned on by the Henry and William Williams Memorial Museum Trust.

Christianity Among The New Zealanders Interesting reading, giving a good account of the Williams brothers involvement in early New Zealand. By William Williams , D. C. L. Bishop of Waiapu.

Thomas Kohut

Thomas A. Kohut received a B.A. from Oberlin College and a Ph.D. in history from the University of Minnesota. He is also a graduate of the Cincinnati Psychoanalytic Institute. He is currently Sue and Edgar Wachenheim III Professor of History at Williams College in Williamstown, Massachusetts. Kohut is a member of the Board of Trustees of the Austen Riggs Center in Stockbridge, Massachusetts and of the Council of Scholars at the Erik Erikson Institute at Austen Riggs. He is also the president of the Freud Foundation, US. From 2000 to 2006, Kohut served as Dean of the Faculty at Williams College. Kohut has written three books: Empathy and the Historical Understanding of the Human Past (New York: Routledge, 2020) A German Generation: An Experiential History of the Twentieth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press 2012) Wilhelm II and the Germans: A Study in Leadership (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991). He has also published articles on a number of historical and psychological topics: including the German humorist, Wilhelm Busch letters from German soldiers at Stalingrad and psychohistory, history, and psychoanalysis.

Selected Publications

“History Flows through Us: Psychoanalysis, Historical Trauma, and the Shaping of Experience,” Psychoanalysis, Self and Context 15 (2020), pp. 21-24, DOI: 10.1080/24720038.2019.1688330.

History Flows through Us: Germany, the Holocaust, and the Importance of Empathy, Roger Frie, ed. (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2018). This is a collection of eleven essays that respond to my work. The volume concludes with an interview with me conducted by Roger Frie, “Psychoanalysis and history at the crossroads: A dialogue with Thomas Kohut,” pp. 157-87.

Eine deutsche Generation und ihre Suche nach Gemeinschaft: Erlebte Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts (Giessen: Psychosozial Verlag, 2017). This is a translated and significantly revised version of A German Generation: An Experiential History of the Twentieth Century.

“Psychoanalysis as Psychohistory or Why Psychotherapists Cannot Afford to Ignore Culture,” Annual of Psychoanalysis, Psychoanalysis and History, Jerome A. Winer and James William Anderson, eds., 31 (2003), pp. 225-36.

“History, Loss, and the Generation of 1914: The Case of the Freideutsche Kreis,” Generationalität und Lebensgeschichte im 20. Jahrhundert: Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, Kolloquien 58, Jürgen Reulecke, ed. (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag 2003), pp. 253-77.

“The Creation of Wilhelm Busch as a German Cultural Hero, 1902 -1908,” Enlightenment, Passion, Modernity: Historical Essays in European Thought and Culture, Mark S. Micale and Robert L. Dietle, eds. (Stanford: Stanford University Press 2000), pp. 286-304.

With Jürgen Reulecke, “‘Sterben wie eine Ratte, die der Bauer ertappt’. Letzte Briefe aus Stalingrad,” Stalingrad: Ereignis, Wirkung, Symbol, Jürgen Förster, ed. (Munich and Zurich: Piper Verlag, 1992), pp. 456-71.

“Psychohistory as History,” The American Historical Review 91 (1986), pp. 336-354.

“Mirror Image of the Nation: An Investigation of Kaiser Wilhelm II’s Leadership of the Germans,” The Leader: Psychohistorical Essays, Charles B. Strozier and Daniel Offer, eds. (New York: Plenum Press 1985), pp. 179- 229.

“Kaiser Wilhelm and his Parents: An Inquiry into the Psychological Roots of German Policy Towards England Before the First World War,” Kaiser Wilhelm II: New Interpretations, John C. G. Rohl and Nicolaus Sombart, eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1982), pp. 63-89.


Research Interests

Modern German history European cultural and intellectual history the psychological dimension of the past.

Theses Advised

Thomas Riley 󈧖“Not As Easy As ‘Gossip’”: The Journal Science-Gossip and the Community It Fostered

Sophie Wunderlich 󈧖“We See Into the Distant Future, Because We Know What It Will Be”: Destiny, Utopia, and Apocalypse in National Socialism

Peter Hale 󈧕“Hermaphroditic Children”: Education Policy During the Option of South Tyrol

Isabel Greer 󈧒The Art of Survival

Joon Hun Seong 󈧒Lives of Their Own: A Social History of the German Democratic Republic Examined Through Die Kinder von Golzow

Evelyn Denham 󈧐Permanent Neighbors, Exceptional Friends: The Ottoman Embassy to Vienna in 1748

Carrie Greene 󈧆The Cholera Travesty at Tooting

Peter Lockwood Adams 󈧄A Beautiful and Distant Fight: Analyzing the Agenda of Nazi Wartime Newsreels

Robert Wiygul 󈧄Sophisticated Nazi: Carl Schmitt and Political Illiberalism

Joseph Bourassa 󈨧Visions of Order, Visions of Transformation: Ruge, Hegel and the Search for the German Republic

Alexandra Garbarini 󈨢Historical Representation of the Holocaust: An Essay

Ticien Carlson (Sassoubre) 󈨢“The Sovereign Self”: Esalen and the Human Potential Movement

Andrew Baird 󈨡Projections: The Relevance of Hayden White to Historical Understanding

Allison Marston 󈨡The Crystal Ball and the Compass: The Use of History in Nineteenth-Century France

Robert E. Phay 󈨞Sexuality Constrained: Civilizing Children in Victorian Childrearing Manuals

Daniel Powers 󈨞Rethinking France’s Europe, 1947-1957

Elizabeth McKown 󈨝A ‘World Beneath the Threshold’: Anglo-German Conflict in Popular Literature Before World War I

Peter Ira Haupt 󈨛A Universe of Lies: Holocaust Revision and the Myth of a Jewish World Conspiracy

Michael Mellis 󈨛Hoisting the German Flag over the Bosphorus: The Creation of the German-Turkish Alliance of 1914

Larry Krasnoff 󈨙Ideology of a Student Revolt: French Thought and the Events of May 1968

Todd Tibbetts 󈨙Truth, History, and the Human Sciences in Gadamer and Foucault

Williams, Thomas (1757&ndash1835)

Thomas Williams, frontier settler, was born in 1757, probably in North Carolina. He lived in Tennessee as late as 1803, and by 1818 he and his family had migrated into Missouri Territory (present Arkansas). Thomas and his wife, Maria Priscilla Williams, and their six children, including John, Leonard, and William, crossed the Red River into Texas at Pecan Point about 1819. According to the 1821 Mexican census Thomas and Priscilla were living in Nacogdoches District. Thomas Williams, his four sons, and two sons-in-law served in the 1826 Fredonian Rebellion. Thomas enlisted with the title of colonel in the company raised by Col. Peter Ellis Bean. According to Bean's testimony, Williams accompanied him in his chase of fugitives to the Sabine River. For his services, Thomas received a Mexican land grant dated March 24, 1829, for one league on the Angelina River in what is now Rusk County. He settled his family and cultivated land there the area became known as Williams Settlement. According to an 1835 census Thomas and his grandson William were living in Williams Settlement. Thomas was listed as a laborer, and the family was of the Catholic faith. Priscilla died on July 7, 1834, and Thomas died on July 3, 1835.

Robert Bruce Blake Research Collection, Steen Library, Stephen F. Austin State University Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin Texas State Archives, Austin Houston Public Library, Houston. Garland Roscoe Farmer, The Realm of Rusk County (Henderson, Texas: Henderson Times, 1951). Dorman H. Winfrey, A History of Rusk County (Waco: Texian, 1961).

WILLIAMS, Thomas (1737-1802), of Llanidan, Anglesey and Temple House, Berks.

b. 13 May 1737,1 1st s. of Owen Williams of Treffos Anglesey by Jane, da. of Thomas Lloyd of Hendre Howel, Carm. educ. trained in law by John Lloyd, attorney, of Caerwys, Flints. m. c.1763, Catherine, da. of John Lloyd of Llanfihangel-tre’r-Beirdd, Anglesey and Plas-yn-Rhual, Flints., 2s. 3da. suc. fa. 1786.

Offices Held


Through good fortune and innate business acumen, applied with ruthless determination and ferocious energy, Williams transformed himself in less than 20 years from a prosperous Anglesey solicitor into what Matthew Boulton described as ‘the despotic sovereign of the copper trade’. The turning point in his career was his retention in 1769 by the two local families of Lewis and Hughes, to fight a legal action against Sir Nicholas Bayly, father of the 1st Earl of Uxbridge, over possession of the recently discovered Parys Mountain copper mine at Amlwch. When the litigation ended in 1778, Williams emerged as the active partner in the Parys Mine Company. The following year he established smelting works in south Lancashire and Swansea and a manufacturing plant in Flintshire. After fighting a battle with the smelters’ cartel and perfecting the production of copper for sheathing ships, Williams secured in 1785 the management of the second great Anglesey mine, by becoming the active partner of Lord Uxbridge in the Mona Mine Company, which he made the basis for a new manufacturing organization parallel to that of the Parys Company. In the same year he concluded a cartel agreement with the Cornish Metal Company and, on the failure of the latter in 1787, assumed administration of the cartel. From this point until 1792 Williams was virtual dictator of the British copper trade. As his power was subsequently reduced by the loss of his Cornish ores and declining output from the Anglesey mines, he was forced to purchase copper in an attempt to maintain his position, and between 1799 and 1802 his business concerns underwent some reorganization. Yet even in 1799 they had a capital of almost £1,000,000. In 1792 he established with Edward Hughes, his partner in the Parys Mine Company, the Chester and North Wales Bank.

Four years earlier Williams had purchased the Temple Mills copper works near Marlow, where he took up residence. In 1790 he was returned unopposed for the borough and by the following general election had gained control of both seats with the aid of further purchases of property in and around the borough. He took a keen interest in the electoral politics of north-west Wales and acted as Uxbridge’s agent in arrangements in Anglesey, Caernarvonshire and Caernarvon in the 1790s. Lord Bulkeley told Sir Robert Williams, 28 Nov. 1801, that ‘Tom Williams boasts of six Members of Parliament in the next Parliament’2 and, as well as himself and his son, who was returned for Marlow, candidates promoted and possibly financed by Williams were successful at Wallingford and Windsor at the 1802 general election.

Williams, who was listed hostile to repeal of the Test Act in Scotland in 1791 and voted against the abolition of the slave trade on 15 Mar. 1796, does not appear in opposition to government in the 1790 Parliament. He signed the London declaration of support for Pitt’s measures, 2 Dec. 1795, was marked ‘pro’ in the ministerial election survey for 1796 and subscribed £50,000 to the 1797 loyalty loan but he voted for Grey’s parliamentary reform motion, 26 May 1797, and did not support the triple assessment, 4 Jan. 1798. His relations with government took an unpleasant turn in March 1799 when they took steps to deal with the rising price of copper which they were inclined, at the prompting of Birmingham hardware manufacturers, to attribute to Williams’s alleged monopoly of the trade. He retorted by laying responsibility for the rise in price on government and by observing that, if their proposals were implemented, ‘not above half of the mines of the kingdom, so valuable to its interests, could possibly be worked’. When legislation was introduced in April 1799, Williams secured the appointment of a select committee of inquiry into the copper trade. A failure or reluctance on the part of the committee to probe searchingly into Williams’s activities since 1792, and his own adroit handling of their interrogations, left the case against him unproven. During the inquiry he repeated his criticism of the government for crippling industry and enterprise with ‘restrictions, prohibitions and taxes without end’.3 When, in the course of later legislation, both Pitt and Lord Hawkesbury hinted at their undiminished conviction that Williams had been guilty of monopolizing the trade, the Whig George Tierney came to his defence, 4 Apr. 1800, with the comment that

he had not thrice spoken to Mr Williams in his life, nor was he in any way connected with him, but he felt the highest respect for him, and if those, who from small beginnings had, with an unblemished reputation, amassed a large fortune, were not to be respected and esteemed in this commercial nation, he was at a loss to conceive what class of society had a title to respect and esteem.

Williams voted against government in support of Grey’s motion, 25 Apr. 1800, to consider the independence of Parliament in relation to the Act of Union. There is no evidence of his having opposed Addington’s ministry.

At his death on 29 Nov. 1802 Williams’s personal wealth amounted to at least £500,000. His associates, Pascoe Grenfell* and Michael Hughes, were agreed that, ‘take him all in all, it is hardly to be expected that we shall meet his like again’.4

Beyond Black History Month

It is a useful and thought-provoking exercise to attempt to explain, in James Baldwin’s apt phrase, the “system of reality” of one’s own country to foreigners. Why, for example, do we venerate the men and women we choose to put on pedestals? Why do we memorize certain dates and not other ones? Why do we recount events from one vantage point and not another? Speaking with someone who shares few if any of your own assumptions about these matters forces you to spell things out step by step and re-evaluate much of what you assume to be normal.

In France, where I have lived for the past decade, I find myself frequently discussing America’s at turns maddening and inspiring racial history, which can seem exotic from this side of the Atlantic. When I first arrived in Paris, that meant listening happily and even haughtily to my European interlocutors as they expressed esteem tinged with disbelief at the feat of Barack Obama’s barrier-shattering presidency, which they used as an unflattering measuring stick for their own societies. In the era of Donald Trump, those conversations turned dramatically less admiring and much more perplexed and even pitying. In the wake of the international racial justice movement sparked by George Floyd’s death in Minneapolis while in police custody, and as the author of a book about the need to “unlearn” received habits of thought about racial categorization, I am now constantly being asked to make sense of legacies of oppression and to speculate about how to transcend them.

For foreigners not steeped in what the writer Stanley Crouch termed the “all-American skin game,” it can be difficult to grasp why, as many on the left now believe, the best way to rectify the corrosive effects of racial differentiation and discrimination is to find new and better ways to differentiate and discriminate…by race. At Fieldston, a $50,000-a-year New York City private school, children as young as 8 years old are segregated into racial “affinity groups.” On Twitter, viral hashtag movements encourage educators to “disrupt texts” and assign students of all ages only those authors whose complexion, gender or sexuality mirrors their own. Democratic Rep. Ayanna Pressley declared in 2019 that “We don’t need any more Black faces that don’t want to be a Black voice”—the implication being that even our values and ideas must fit within racialized fences.

The scholars (and sisters) Karen E. Fields and Barbara J. Fields have assigned the term “racecraft” to the mental terrain, mores and customs of language that are produced by racism. They see racecraft—and not superficial physical differences—as the engine of America’s pervasive belief in the illusion of race. And so, especially at this time of year, another common question for an American abroad can be: What is the need for Black History Month? Why isn’t U.S. history sufficient?

When the pioneering journalist and historian Carter G. Woodson (“the father of Black history”) created Negro History Week in February 1926, in the same month as the birthdays of Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass, its reason for being was self-evident. It was an efficient and practical way of increasing public recognition of a community that had been enslaved just two generations prior. It would be almost another 40 years before the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s secured equal citizenship and legal protection for this besieged population. Following the turbulence and violence of that decade, and anticipating the cultural shift toward Black power and nationalism, Black History Month was first proposed by educators and the Black United Students organization at Kent State University in February 1969.

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Thomas Williams - History

Clarence Thomas, one of nine members of the Supreme Court and the second black to ever join the Court, is not in the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, D.C. Asked to explain Thomas’ absence, the chief spokeswoman for the Smithsonian said, “The museum’s exhibitions are based on themes, not individuals.”

Yet the museum plans to add a popular local D.C. television news broadcaster. The museum’s founding director, Lonnie Bunch, said the broadcaster “symbolized that it was really important that America was changing and his presence was a symbol of that change.” And Thomas, raised in poverty to become only the second black to sit on the Supreme Court, is not “a symbol of that change”?

Left-wing blacks — and that’s the overwhelming majority — feel that black conservatives like Thomas do not just have different or wrongheaded or illogical views. Thomas’ views, to them, damage the black community. Never mind that most Clarence Thomas-haters could not identify a single case Thomas decided with which they disagree.

One line of attack against Thomas goes as follows. Thomas “took advantage” of race-based preferences to get into college and law school, but then “turned his back on those behind” by arguing that such preferences violate the 14th Amendment.

What these critics assert is that but for race-based preferences, Clarence Thomas would likely be working the deep-fryer at McDonald’s. Assume, for the moment, that but for race-based preferences, Thomas would not have gotten into the particular schools he attended, College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, Massachusetts, and Yale Law School. But in America thousands of colleges and universities, from community colleges to Harvard, accept students of varying abilities with financial assistance readily available. Surely the driven, hardworking, academically oriented Clarence Thomas could have and would have found admission into schools matching his skills and ability.

Here’s another problem with race-based preferences. Studies document a disproportionately high college-dropout rate for minority students admitted with lower test scores and grades than their peers selected without preferences. How is this mismatching of value to the “beneficiary” if it leads to a higher dropout rate, with the frustrated student giving up and leaving school in debt? The student often blames his failure to succeed at this high level on unfair, if not racist, professors.

The African-American Museum’s discrimination against Thomas provides just one example of the black anti-conservative bigotry. Here’s another. Every year, the black monthly magazine Ebony lists its “Power 100,” defined as those “who lead, inspire and demonstrate through their individual talents, the very best in Black America.” Each year Thomas is conspicuously absent. Apparently, as a sitting black justice on the Supreme Court of the United States, Thomas does not “lead, inspire and demonstrate … the very best in Black America.”

Ebony not only excludes Clarence Thomas but also shuts out prominent conservatives Thomas Sowell and Walter Williams.

As for Sowell, he’s only an economist and writer whom playwright David Mamet once called “our greatest contemporary philosopher.” Sowell, who never knew his father, was raised by a great-aunt and her two grown daughters. They lived in Harlem, where he was the first in his family to make it past the sixth grade. He left home at 17, served as a Marine in the Korean War, graduated magna cum laude from Harvard, earned a master’s degree at Columbia University the next year, followed by a Ph.D. in economics at the University of Chicago.

Sowell, at 87, authored some four dozen books (not counting revised editions) and wrote hundreds of scholarly articles and essays in periodicals and thousands of newspaper columns. In 2015, Forbes magazine said: “It’s a scandal that economist Thomas Sowell has not been awarded the Nobel Prize. No one alive has turned out so many insightful, richly researched books.” Yet, thanks in part to the Ebony shutout, many blacks have never heard of him.

How does Ebony justify excluding economist and writer Walter Williams, former chairman of the economics department of George Mason University, where he still teaches? Raised by a single mother, he lived in Philadelphia’s Richard Allen housing projects. He served as a private in the Army before earning a bachelor’s degree at a state university, followed by a master’s and a Ph.D. in economics at UCLA. Williams has written a dozen books on economics and race, including the inspirational “Up From the Projects: An Autobiography,” and was recently the subject of a documentary about his life.

The exclusion of people like Clarence Thomas, Thomas Sowell and Walter Williams explains why there’s no serious discussion in the black community about government dependency school choice the damage done by high taxes, excessive regulation and laws like minimum wage and why blacks should rethink their allegiance to the Democratic Party.

The failure to acknowledge conservative blacks is a failure to engage their ideas, to the detriment of the community. This is not merely an injustice to them: It is an injustice to all Americans.

Thomas Williams

Tommy Williams was a fiddle prodigy of sufficient promise that, at age 13, he was sent by his father to live and work with Ferlin Husky, leaving Ft. Myers, FL, for Bakersfield, CA. A couple of years later,…
Read Full Biography

Artist Biography by Bruce Eder

Tommy Williams was a fiddle prodigy of sufficient promise that, at age 13, he was sent by his father to live and work with Ferlin Husky, leaving Ft. Myers, FL, for Bakersfield, CA. A couple of years later, Husky moved to Nashville and Williams remained with him. He continued playing with Husky through the mid-'50s, and was later in the backing bands of Little Jimmy Dickens, Judy Lynn, and Charley Pride. He joined the music staff on the series Hee Haw in 1969 on a part-time basis, and became a regular member of the house band in 1974. By that time, he was also working as a full-time session musician in Nashville, where he based his career until the early '90s. He later became a full-time performer in the Old Dominion Opry, based in Williamsburg, VA. His work is showcased on the recordings of numerous country and bluegrass stars and superstars (including Bill Monroe, among the latter), and he also recorded one LP of his own, Forever Fiddlin', during the early '80s.

Watch the video: Thomas Williams Interview